Britain in Europe : What next ?

11 janvier 2010 | Par Liz Pender

Autres langues de cet article :

Britain‘s role in Europe under a Cameron government

The UK general election is expected to be held on 6 May 2010. Despite a recent shift in the polls, it still remains likely that David Cameron will become the next Prime Minister. Predicting how a future Prime Minister will act based on his performance as Shadow Leader is never an exact science, as the political posturing gives way to the pressures of office. However Cameron’s formation of a new group in the European Parliament and the ratification process for the Lisbon Treaty focused attention on European issues - or in Britain’s case more often the issue of Europe - and give clear indications of the path Cameron is likely to take. Beginning with a promise to remove Conservative MEPs from the majority group in the European Parliament to form a minority opposition party, to pledging to call a referendum on the Lisbon Treaty should he come into power before ratification was completed, Cameron’s policy has been stridently anti-European from the outset.

Tory MEPs form new group

Initially, Cameron pledged to remove his MEPs from the Christian Democrat European People’s Party (EPP) group in the European Parliament, on the grounds of it being too federal, in order to rally support from Eurosceptic backbenchers for his leadership contest in 2005. An interim Movement for European Reform was conceived in 2006 and became the basis for the European Conservatives and Reformists (EDR) party which formed after the 2009 European election to pursue the “common goals of opposition to Euro-federalism”.

In order to form a new group in the European Parliament, it is necessary to have at least 25 members from seven different countries. The requirement for pan-European alliances led Cameron to seek partnerships mainly with the Polish Law and Justice party and the Czech Civic Democratic Party. Single individual members from Belgium, Latvia, Hungary and the Netherlands formed the rest of the 54 strong group. This poses two main problems.

The first is that leaving the largest party in the European Parliament, the EPP with 265 members, significantly diminishes the influence a Cameron government can subsequently hope to have in the European Parliament. Chairman of the EPP group Wilfried Martens pointed out that the EPP is “the most powerful political force in Europe comprising 74 member parties from 39 countries, including 189 heads of government” and called the ECR a “weak and very marginal group that has no influence".

Nationalist partnerships

Michal Kaminski

Chairman of the ECR Michal Kamiński is a former member of the anti-Semitic NOP.

Photo : European Parliament

The second is potentially even more harmful in terms of furthering European cooperation, namely, that in seeking partnerships in order to form a party, Cameron entered, under Shadow Foreign Secretary William Hague’s guidance, into partnerships with dubious ultra-nationalist right-wing politicians. Chairman of the ECR Michal Kamiński is a former member of the anti-Semitic NOP party who has criticized the Polish apology for the Jedwabne Jewish pogrom. This led prominent member of the British Conservative MEPs Edward McMillan-Scott to protest, writing that Kamiński had “recent anti-Semitic, homophobic and racist links”. In an extraordinary move, the Conservative party withdrew the whip and later expelled McMillan-Scott for his failure to retract the criticism ; it thus effectively supported Kamiński over its own MEP. McMillan-Scott went on to win the support of the European Parliament when he stood as Vice-President against Kamiński. Other members of the ECR posed similar problems, for example Latvia’s ‘For Fatherland and Freedom Party’, which helps to organise the annual celebrations of the Latvian Waffen SS.

The anger generated by showing solidarity with such controversial partners extended not only to other European groups within the European Parliament but also to European leaders such as Sarkozy and Merkel, both members of the EPP group, and both leaders with whom Cameron will need to cooperate if he is elected. Not only has Cameron aligned his MEPs with anti-Semitic neo-Nazi sympathizers and alleged homophobes in a marginal party, he has also induced the anger of his future colleagues in Europe. And the US signalled their worry over the ECR party links when William Hague met Hillary Clinton in Washington in October 2009.

Political misjudgment

It is strange that Cameron and Hague should have underestimated the furore caused by the formation of the ECR and the British Conservatives’ membership so severely. If it was an underestimation, this demonstrates a lack of understanding both of the increasing influence of the European Parliament, most significantly under the Lisbon Treaty, but also of the general sentiment amongst other European countries. If it was not an underestimation, it implies an arrogant disregard for European opinion. This emphasizes a key difficulty of the Tory approach to Europe : the outdated view of Britain as a player on the global stage of special standing, both in Europe and with its special relationship to America. Ranking the US as a more important partner than the EU was a mistake made by Blair during the Iraq war and the Conservatives seem no less inclined to see the UK as one of 27 countries acting together on a European stage. The Obama administration has clearly and frequently stated its interest in an integrated Europe of which Britain is part, rather than an isolated Britain on the fringes.

It also shows a lack of perception of the frustration in Europe with the continuous difficulties Britain poses. This was shown by the fierce opposition to Blair as EU president, not only because of his role in Iraq, but also because a major British figure was not wanted in the post. The statement made by the influential German MEP Elmar Brok that Britain should leave the EU if it wanted to was not an isolated view.

Referendum on Lisbon Treaty

David Cameron born 9 October 1966 Educated at Eton. Studied at Oxford. Elected as MP in 2001, Oxfordshire constituency of Witney 2003-4 Deputy Chairman of Conservative Party Formally elected Leader of the Conservative Party December 2005

Photo : European Commission

' />

David Cameron

David Cameron born 9 October 1966 Educated at Eton. Studied at Oxford. Elected as MP in 2001, Oxfordshire constituency of Witney 2003-4 Deputy Chairman of Conservative Party Formally elected Leader of the Conservative Party December 2005
Photo : European Commission

Cameron’s next move was to call for a referendum on the Lisbon Treaty. Mainly in response to domestic pressure in 2007, Cameron pledged a “cast-iron guarantee” that a Conservative government would hold a referendum on the Lisbon Treaty if the ratification process were still underway after the election. He wrote a letter to Czech President Václav Klaus confirming that if he delayed signing until the Conservative government came into power it would make a UK referendum possible.

Following the Czech signing of the Treaty on 3 November, Cameron admitted a referendum was out of the question and instead proposed a six point plan for the Conservative approach to the EU. This comprised the following :

  A referendum lock, amending the 1972 European Communities Act to ensure that any future treaties would require a referendum before ratification and ensuring a referendum before the Euro can be introduced.

  A UK Sovereignty Bill. This would ensure that the UK parliament continues to have primacy over EU law.

  Full parliamentary control over areas where there is still a national veto.

  Full opt-out from the Charter of Fundamental Rights. Currently the UK has a protocol ensuring that the Charter is not enforced in UK courts.

  Repatriation of social and employment legislation. Full British opt-out from the Social Chapter which was agreed years ago and regulates issues such as maternity leave and part-time workers.

  Return of power over UK criminal justice system.

Whilst the referendum lock was an easy promise as the EU will not enter into Treaty negotiations for a long time now, the other pledges would pose some difficulties if enforced. A Sovereignty Bill would raise difficult questions about the supremacy of EU law, essentially the basis of EU membership. Repatriation of social and employment legislation would generally be detrimental to UK workers and would re-start negotiations on the Lisbon Treaty and previous treaties ; a prerequisite for negotiations would be agreement from the other European member states which would not be forthcoming. An opt-out of the Charter of Fundamental Rights would pose the same problems, especially as the intentions are unclear, as the Charter is essentially in place as a safeguard on EU regulations.

Reaction in Europe

European reaction to Cameron’s plans expressed heightened frustration. Most notably, French Minister for Europe Pierre Lellouche called the Conservative plans “pathetic” and “a waste of time for all of us”, and went on to label William Hague as having “a very bizarre sense of autism” on the subject. He claimed the Tories “have essentially castrated UK influence in the European Parliament” and said he had told William Hague that Britain would be marginalized if a Conservative government wished to renegotiate agreements rather than concentrating on issues such as climate change and the economic crisis.

Thus, Cameron’s moves in the past four years, aided by his very Eurosceptic Foreign Secretary, have mainly sought to ease worries amongst the anti-EU elements in his own party and play to the hostile British media, but they have managed to damage the role of the Tories in Europe badly, whilst angering European leaders. It will be necessary for him to improve his dealings in the EU if he becomes Prime Minster.

Next steps

This is not out of the question. The removal of the necessity for a referendum due to the Lisbon Treaty ratification means that Cameron may be able to shift the focus towards a more cooperative stance. Perhaps European reaction to his measures so far will prove a lesson in negotiating on a European level and pressure from the US to play a less antagonistic role in Europe may propel Cameron into achieving compromise. As has been shown, it is impossible to try to set the rules without playing the game properly. And if the Conservatives do not have a clear majority after the election, the full mandate to push through European policy may be lacking. The economic crisis and the fact that the UK is in a deeper recession than most other European countries will perhaps provide an opportunity to play up benefits of European integration.

However, having mapped his path so clearly beforehand, it will be hard for Cameron to change tack. Appeasing his own hardline Eurosceptic colleagues and containing their UKIP tendencies will remain an ongoing issue, especially since many were disappointed with what was seen as backtracking on the referendum. It is highly unlikely that he will want to leave the EU fully – ironically an option under the Lisbon Treaty – as a number of backbenchers would like. But to have pushed the issue so far that these views are being propounded is a difficult starting point for effective British cooperation within the EU. And European partners are unlikely to make concessions for the new leader with his particular track record.

Successive British governments, unwilling to invest the necessary political effort to highlight the advantages of the EU, have allowed public opinion to be formed by a virulently anti-EU press largely owned by magnates fearful of press regulation. 37 years after accession to the EU it is time that Britain confronted the issue in a comprehensive public debate and government-led information campaign. European issues will certainly be on the agenda under a Cameron government since a number of pledges on Europe are part of the election campaign. Unfortunately with Cameron as Prime Minister and William Hague as Foreign Secretary, this discussion is unlikely to develop a more pro-European feeling in the UK.

— - Headline photo : European Commission

Espace réactions (2)

Britain in Europe : What next ?

Excellent summary of Conservative « policy » on Europe, Liz. Your article should be required reading for anyone tempted by the prospect of the Conservatives gaining power after the next British general election.

The Conservative Party - bad for Britain domestically, AND bad for Britain in Europe.

Desmond O’Toole, PES activists Dublin, Party of European Socialists (personal capacity)

Réagir à ce commentaire

Britain in Europe : What next ?

Dear Liz,

Currently we, the team of MEDIA CONSULTA – PR and advertising agency based in Berlin, Germany – are collecting the entries for the European Young Journalist Award 2010 on behalf of the European Commission. In this regard we would like to ask you whether you would like to become a nominee for the Award. Your articles on this blog seem quite interesting as well as critical in regard to the EU, which would fit perfectly in this competition.

All the additional information to the Award can be found under the following website.

http://www.eujournalist-award.eu/

Should you have any questions, you are welcome to contact us using the below-given contact information. We would really appreciate your contribution !

Best wishes,

Isabel Süß

MEDIA CONSULTA International Holding AG Isabel Süß Wassergasse 3 10179 Berlin

Tel. : �(0)30-65 000-251 Fax : �(0)30-65 000-460 i.suess@media-consulta.com

page perso : European Young Journalist Award

Réagir à ce commentaire