In the last twelve months, the environment has been big news nationally and internationally. It seems every time you turn on the television or open a newspaper, a new tragedy has befallen someone somewhere in the world that makes you think that nature is paying us back for our ecological misdeeds. Without doubt, Fukushima stands out as the most recent and affecting tragedy. Following the earthquake and tsunami along Japan’s north-eastern coast in March, twelve thousand people are still unaccounted for and tens of thousands remain displaced, evacuated for their own safety to protect them from the threat posed by the damaged nuclear power plant. Though the death toll from radiation, to date, is zero, the long-term health implications for those exposed to emissions from the stricken plant are, as yet, unknown.

And before Fukushima, there were the freak floods in Australia and the earthquake in New Zealand, which killed at least 65 and went down as one of the country’s worst environmental disasters. Before Australia and New Zealand, there was the unexplained wildlife deaths, which saw hundreds of dead birds fall from the sky in America. Before the wildlife deaths, there was the Hungarian toxic sludge disaster, which wiped out a whole village and killed seven. And before the red sludge, there was the BP oil spill in the Gulf of Mexico. And before them all, 25 years ago this month, there was Chernobyl, a tragedy of catastrophic proportions, which, to this day, remains the world’s worst nuclear disaster.

Back when Chernobyl occurred, on 26 April, 1986, the Greens were not a credible political force. Yes, there were international environmental organisations like Greenpeace and Friends of the Earth, but they were pressure groups, not political bodies with the ability to effect change from the inside.

Today, that’s changed. Green politics has entered the mainstream and Green parties have made headway in national parliaments around Europe. It’s been a slow and laborious process and fortunes for Green parties differ widely across the continent, with Finland, Latvia and Belgium having Green representation in government while countries like the UK have only recently elected their first Green MP to parliament. Yet in Hungary, perhaps not the first place one would associate with progressive politics, a dynamic, new party affiliated to the Greens, LMP occupy 16 of the Hungarian parliament’s 326 seats. LMP is the toast of the European Greens for the way they’ve managed to grow in the two short years since their formation and against a backdrop of increasing populism at home.

source : Kordian, flckr

In the 2009 European Parliament election, the European Green Party member parties won 46 seats, the best result for Green Parties in 30 years. But with all the main political parties now being seen to take green issues seriously enough to tout their green credentials whenever possible, is there any reason to still vote Green ? Green politics has never been more relevant but have Green parties made themselves redundant with their success in mainstreaming green issues ?

At the European Green Party Council in Budapest this April, delegates from Europe’s Green parties came together to debate a full programme of issues and ideas that would shape the political discourse for the coming months. From gender equality to democracy, from Roma exclusion to countering populism, the Greens are daring to put on the table issues they’d previously feared to touch.

But given the recent disasters that have occurred around the world, the Greens may be talking but they don’t seem to be saying much. Or, at least, we don’t seem to be hearing them above the cacophony of noises coming from everyone else. It was president Obama’s former chief of staff, Rahm Emmanuel who famously said never waste a good tragedy. So are the Greens guilty of failing to capitalise on events or are we guilty of failing to hear them ?

The Fukushima effect

The German Green party has most notably benefited from the fallout of the Fukushima tragedy. It claimed the biggest victory in its history when it beat Angela Merkel’s Christian Democrats (CDU) to secure the presidency of Baden-Württemberg in last month’s state elections, ending the CDU’s almost 60 year tenure at Bad- Württemberg’s helm.

This poll success came hot on the heels of Fukushima and at a time of particular embarrassment for the Chancellor over her stand on Germany’s nuclear programme. Just months before Fukushima, Mrs Merkel had flown in the face of strong public opinion by extending the life of Germany’s 17 nuclear plants by an average of 12 years. One of her most strident supporters in doing this was Baden-Württemberg’s minister president, Stefan Mappus. In the wake of Fukushima, Merkel performed a complete about-turn. Following the disaster, she was forced to backtrack but not far enough or quick enough to avoid being punished at the polls for her volte-face. She announced the closure of seven stations built before 1980 and also said she was committed to speeding up Germany’s total withdrawal from nuclear power.

In all this, the German Greens played a blinder. They didn’t openly campaign on the back of the Fukushima tragedy but subtly let people make up their own minds about nuclear power while Merkel went into overdrive and spun herself out of control. This strategy worked and the Greens were able to capitalise on events without looking predatory. They ran an intelligent campaign. Even if people in Bad-Württemberg were more concerned about local issues than the faraway problems of Japan, or even if some simply couldn’t relate to such a tragedy because of its mammoth scale, everyone can empathise with wanting the best for their children and securing their future. The nuclear issue, like the other big, environmental issues, affect us all and empathy plays a huge part in us deciding who we vote for. The German Greens now have their first regional « minister president » after winning 25% of the vote ; compared to the 11.7% it polled in the 2006 election. And they did it, thanks largely, to clever, clean campaigning.

A new dimension

The Hungarian Greens were already in parliament at the time of the toxic sludge disaster, which saw the destruction of a whole village, the loss of nine lives and 130 people injured. But LMP have successfully kept the issue in the spotlight by carrying out their own investigation into the causes of the accident that contradicted the official findings and highlighted the need for a serious rethink of corporate standards regarding the protection and respect of the environment.

But a central theme at the EGP Council, aside from the fundamental focus on the environment, was the social dimension and how the Greens can add to their ecological arsenal with a social agenda. This is crucial to the Green political future. In order to capture potential voters from across the political spectrum, they need to be able to offer more than just their usual ecological fare. They need to diversify their policy offering if they’re to have any chance of building on the progress they’ve struggled to make in recent years. The Green New Deal - green jobs and the green economy - have long been the subject of political debate but Europe’s mainstream parties have so far paid lip service to greening the economy with no tangible deliverables. And with the global economy continuing to struggle, the need for a sustainable alternative has never been greater.

Now that the Greens are starting to be in positions of real power, the lofty idealism of the political wilderness must give way to pragmatism if they are to convert and solidify their gains. But they must also continue to push the agenda for a Green New Deal while the momentum and the weak state of the economy is on their side. Politically, the European Greens have distinguished themselves by coming out strong and quick in support of the Arab uprisings in North Africa and against the insidious erosion of democracy in Hungary. But, noble though these causes are, they’re not vote winners and the Greens need to pick their battles well if they’re to secure that much needed space in the public’s political consciousness. If the basic tenets of Green politics are, as the EGP state, environmental responsibility, individual freedom, inclusive democracy, diversity, social justice, gender equality, global sustainable development and non-violence, then, given all that’s going on in Europe and the world, there’s never been a better time to shout about it.

New tactics

It sounds obvious but it’s true. If the Greens are to build on their successes, they need to appeal to a broader base and avoid preaching to the converted, in fact, avoid preaching altogether. Morality and politics are strange bedfellows and not everyone shares the same concern for the environment as Greens do. But most people do care about the basics - the economy, education and healthcare. It is here that the Greens need to not only strengthen their offering, but also strengthen their message.

Even if the public is amenable to the Green debate, if the message isn’t clear then it will simply fall on deaf ears. The media is key here. Smaller parties often complain that they aren’t given equal access or coverage to mainstream media and, while this may be true, things aren’t likely to change anytime soon but that doesn’t have to scupper plans. The internet offers unlimited opportunities for parties to speak directly to potential supporters but not at the expense of good old, grassroots campaigning.

Current discontent with politics and politicians could also work in the Greens favour. Fortunately for the Greens, with little parliamentary experience, they remain untarnished by political scandal and retain a level of trust with the public. But this won’t last long. As Greens achieve more seats and more power, there will be pressure to perform. With representation comes expectation. So how do Green parties appeal to the masses without falling into the trap of populist scaremongering ? Reinhard Bütikofer, vice-chair of the Green Group in the European Parliament, shares his insights and ideas for turning Europe from blue to red to yellow to green.

Interview with Reinhard Bütikofer, Vice-Chair of the Green Group/European Free Alliance

How much did the Fukushima disaster play a role in the German Greens’ success in Baden-Württemberg ?

The Fukushima catastrophe did play a role in mobilising Green voters. Prior to these events polls had seen the Greens at about 20% of the vote in Baden-Württemberg ; on election day Greens actually got 24,2%.

What message do you think the people of Baden-Württemberg are sending to the mainstream political parties by voting Green in this key state ?

The huge Green vote in Baden-Württemberg is a clear signal of trust in a party that has worked hard to that end for many years. Greens in this state have continuously reached out to voters from all walks of life ; to urban intellectuals, to young families, to farmers, to the well-educated, to unemployed men and women, to people from the business community, to migrants. Greens have been successful in fostering their political brand and in building credibility. The message from the voters to the lamestream parties is this : we want change, we are ready for change, we want a government that listens to the people.

Green politics has never been more relevant. Why have the Greens in Europe failed to capitalise on recent events not just electorally but in the media and the public consciousness in general ?

Recent developments throughout Europe have been a mixed bag for Greens. There have been some major successes, but losses, too. I’d argue that Green success does not come overnight ; it does not come merely because of impacts from some disturbing events. Environmental credibility is necessary, but by far not enough as a basis for Green success. Most voters have other issues and not environmental issues at the top of their agendas. Only if Green policies also translate into convincing answers for the bread and butter issues will larger constituencies start considering voting Green. Now that every mainstream party is Green, or claims to be, what can the Greens do to distinguish themselves ?

Firstly, Greens are distinguished by their credibility. Let me put it this way : If you have been given good advice for years by a doctor who dared go against the mainstream, would you desert him, once other doctors start learning from him ? Secondly, we will stay ahead of the curve by listening better to the voters.

Populism is rife in Europe. What can the Greens do to counter this ?

Populism grows on the basis of disillusionment with traditional mainstream parties. By giving voters an option that is not populist, Greens provide an alternative to the mainstream and to populism. In Baden-Württemberg, for example, all the traditional mainstream parties supported the « Stuttgart 21 » infrastructure project. Only Greens have opposed it - for 15 years. When this opposition became a massive popular movement, Greens were able to provide leadership, which helped to avoid raw populist sentiments taking control of the issue.

Photo : AtmosNews - NCAR & UCAR, flickr